It is time to resurrect the ample American tradition of the tax revolt. Why? Because our biomedical industry is stealing from the terrible and giving to the rich.
Reflect the following analogy. Imagine you are stranded on a remote island with a group of fellow survivors of a shipwreck. After a few weeks of lying around eating coconuts, you determine to do something. You organize a simple government. It starts democratically. Everyone shares the tasks as well as the benefits of various civic projects: a sanitation pit, a garden, a cooking fire, and so on.
At some point, the island government decides by well-liked vote to construct a ship. Everyone is assessed taxes in the produce of labor. Each individual contributes the skills he or she has to offer– cutting trees, carpentry, nautical manufacture, or miscellaneous manual labor. The government of your island, like the government of the United States, has evolved from providing basic necessities to funding tall public works.
Now imagine that the island council decrees that only those with a definite minimum amount of wealth in bank accounts help home will be allowed on board the ship when it sails for civilization. Furthermore, there will be small hope of rescue for those who remain tedious.
Those left tedious on the island are analogous to those Americans who work and pay taxes but cannot afford health insurance. These working abominable (and those who are denied coverage because of pre-existing medical conditions) are being denied the benefits of biomedical research, even though a important allotment of their taxes is obsolete to fund biomedical research. The National Institute of Health (NIH) is benefiting from a expedient Congress– even the Republicans want to give it more money. The NIH budget has increased from unbiased under $11 billion in 1993 to almost $16 billion in 1999. Meanwhile 44 million Americans lack health insurance. This means that about half the nation’s low-wage workers are without coverage. Fair like the dreadful castaways on our socially stratified island, a mountainous number of Americans are paying for something that benefits a group from which they are excluded.
The uninsured should attend health care reform by resorting to a time-honored American tradition and starting a tax revolt, refusing to pay for biomedical research that does not help them. Deducting money from their income taxes, they could do a nonprofit organization that would lobby for health care reform. They could deduct from their taxes an amount that is equivalent to the percentage of the tax revenues spent by the federal government on biomedical research, and place this money in escrow. The IRS would object, but this would only give the campaign more publicity.
My acquire mother, who lives in northern Minnesota (a spot known for its ample health benefits), is one of the potential tax rebels (despite her placid temperament). In 1980 she contracted hepatitis-c from a blood transfusion during an operation. The government did not yet mask the blood supply for the virus, and thousands of people were infected. She survived the infection, but the virus level-headed resides in her liver. Nobody will insure her for anything less than an exorbitant premium. She is a small-business owner and contributes a handsome amount of tax money to the federal government. Even though the NIH spends increasing amounts of her tax money on research projects– some of them are directly related to hepatitis-c– my mother cannot afford treatments that might befriend ward off a life-threatening illness. But if she stopped paying her piece of the NIH pie and set that money in a high-yield money market memoir, she’d have a produce of self-insurance when she needs it.
To region it simply, uninsured unpleasant are dying because they can’t afford medical care. One must query the ethical principles of a wealthy society that does not care for the health of a whole class of its people. The society becomes even more unethical by forcing the uninsured class to fund the research leading to the next round of cures for the insured class.
Yes, everyone pays for things they don’t befriend from. That’s how taxes work (and in fact a major conservative complaint is that the tax system redistributes wealth). But our new system of medical insurance redistributes wealth from those who cannot afford a visit to the doctor to those who already can. This is a regressive redistribution; it goes against the American ideal of fairness.
Deem about it this intention. Even if I don’t drive a car, I’m forced to fund the building and maintenance of roads and highways- but at least I serve from the distribution of goods that this infrastructure allows. The uninsured cannot resolve to become insured by a simple act of will. They’re tied to their unmarketable bodies and are thus sever off from the potential benefits of biomedical research. If you have a pre-existing condition, you can be fairly determined that the insurance companies are sharing your medical records and effectively forming a cartel of non-access. Thus, taxing the uninsured to further medical research takes from their already little ability to pursue life, liberty, and happiness.
Henry David Thoreau once went on a six-year tax revolt, in vow of the war against Mexico, which he believed to be unjust. His arrest and one-night pause in jail led to the writing of the essay “Civil Disobedience.” It may be that our war on disease in research labs at every major university is also an unjust war; not unjust because of who the victims are (germs and microbes), but because of who does not benefit– mainly children and women living in poverty who lack basic medical care. The working terrible need state-subsidized insurance, not the limited solace of reading about the latest genetic manipulations of sheep funded by their tax dollars. Nor will the health of the bad be improved by unusual treatments for the diseases of those who, because of lives lived with continual access to medical care, are fortunate enough to live so long.
Of course, forcing health insurance companies and HMOs to disregard a person’s medical history, however well-intentioned, may not always be an unmitigated good; it amounts to a redistribution of wealth from the healthy to the sick. We should therefore be forthright about our desire to care for the sick and the bad by instituting a system of subsidized health insurance for those who need it. The ship’s hull needs to be enlarged so that all the inhabitants of the republic can state flit toward well-behaved health. Then the debate over the details can launch.
It is time to resurrect the gargantuan American tradition of the tax revolt. Why? Because our biomedical industry is stealing from the abominable and giving to the rich.
Assume the following analogy. Imagine you are stranded on a remote island with a group of fellow survivors of a shipwreck. After a few weeks of lying around eating coconuts, you determine to do something. You organize a simple government. It starts democratically. Everyone shares the tasks as well as the benefits of various civic projects: a sanitation pit, a garden, a cooking fire, and so on.
At some point, the island government decides by favorite vote to develop a ship. Everyone is assessed taxes in the manufacture of labor. Each individual contributes the skills he or she has to offer– cutting trees, carpentry, nautical compose, or miscellaneous manual labor. The government of your island, like the government of the United States, has evolved from providing basic necessities to funding gargantuan public works.
Now imagine that the island council decrees that only those with a distinct minimum amount of wealth in bank accounts befriend home will be allowed on board the ship when it sails for civilization. Furthermore, there will be small hope of rescue for those who remain tedious.
Those left tedious on the island are analogous to those Americans who work and pay taxes but cannot afford health insurance. These working dreadful (and those who are denied coverage because of pre-existing medical conditions) are being denied the benefits of biomedical research, even though a indispensable share of their taxes is conventional to fund biomedical research. The National Institute of Health (NIH) is benefiting from a well-behaved Congress– even the Republicans want to give it more money. The NIH budget has increased from impartial under $11 billion in 1993 to almost $16 billion in 1999. Meanwhile 44 million Americans lack health insurance. This means that about half the nation’s low-wage workers are without coverage. Impartial like the bad castaways on our socially stratified island, a immense number of Americans are paying for something that benefits a group from which they are excluded.
The uninsured should serve health care reform by resorting to a time-honored American tradition and starting a tax revolt, refusing to pay for biomedical research that does not wait on them. Deducting money from their income taxes, they could compose a nonprofit organization that would lobby for health care reform. They could deduct from their taxes an amount that is equivalent to the percentage of the tax revenues spent by the federal government on biomedical research, and achieve this money in escrow. The IRS would object, but this would only give the campaign more publicity.
My fill mother, who lives in northern Minnesota (a position known for its trustworthy health benefits), is one of the potential tax rebels (despite her placid temperament). In 1980 she contracted hepatitis-c from a blood transfusion during an operation. The government did not yet cloak the blood supply for the virus, and thousands of people were infected. She survived the infection, but the virus peaceful resides in her liver. Nobody will insure her for anything less than an exorbitant premium. She is a small-business owner and contributes a resplendent amount of tax money to the federal government. Even though the NIH spends increasing amounts of her tax money on research projects– some of them are directly related to hepatitis-c– my mother cannot afford treatments that might aid ward off a life-threatening illness. But if she stopped paying her section of the NIH pie and set that money in a high-yield money market sage, she’d have a execute of self-insurance when she needs it.
To site it simply, uninsured bad are dying because they can’t afford medical care. One must quiz the ethical principles of a wealthy society that does not care for the health of a whole class of its people. The society becomes even more unethical by forcing the uninsured class to fund the research leading to the next round of cures for the insured class.
Yes, everyone pays for things they don’t support from. That’s how taxes work (and in fact a major conservative complaint is that the tax system redistributes wealth). But our fresh system of medical insurance redistributes wealth from those who cannot afford a visit to the doctor to those who already can. This is a regressive redistribution; it goes against the American ideal of fairness.
Consider about it this arrangement. Even if I don’t drive a car, I’m forced to fund the building and maintenance of roads and highways- but at least I serve from the distribution of goods that this infrastructure allows. The uninsured cannot settle to become insured by a simple act of will. They’re tied to their unmarketable bodies and are thus slit off from the potential benefits of biomedical research. If you have a pre-existing condition, you can be fairly clear that the insurance companies are sharing your medical records and effectively forming a cartel of non-access. Thus, taxing the uninsured to further medical research takes from their already petite ability to pursue life, liberty, and happiness.
Henry David Thoreau once went on a six-year tax revolt, in command of the war against Mexico, which he believed to be unjust. His arrest and one-night halt in jail led to the writing of the essay “Civil Disobedience.” It may be that our war on disease in research labs at every major university is also an unjust war; not unjust because of who the victims are (germs and microbes), but because of who does not benefit– mainly children and women living in poverty who lack basic medical care. The working dreadful need state-subsidized insurance, not the slight solace of reading about the latest genetic manipulations of sheep funded by their tax dollars. Nor will the health of the unpleasant be improved by current treatments for the diseases of those who, because of lives lived with continual access to medical care, are fortunate enough to live so long.
Of course, forcing health insurance companies and HMOs to disregard a person’s medical history, however well-intentioned, may not always be an unmitigated good; it amounts to a redistribution of wealth from the healthy to the sick. We should therefore be forthright about our desire to care for the sick and the dreadful by instituting a system of subsidized health insurance for those who need it. The ship’s hull needs to be enlarged so that all the inhabitants of the republic can station wing toward top-notch health. Then the debate over the details can initiate.